Why are We Losing Our Traditional Public Markets?

 
 
 

The higher levels of migration and the increased diversity of residents have made it more difficult for social interaction to happen in cities [5, 7, 17, 18]. Urban planners and sociologists continue to pursue studies and introduce concepts, to help understand and increase social interaction in public places. These studies include the concept of “third place” by Ray Oldenburg [13], “fourth space” by Patricia Aelbrecht [16], “light” social interaction [18], public familiarity [2], and “cosmopolitan canopy” by Elijah Anderson [1].

Public markets have been identified in various studies as conducive to social interaction [3, 6, 9-12, 14, 15].

 

FARMER’S MARKET, CUBAO, PHILIPPINES

TRADITIONAL MEAT, FRUIT, AND VEGETABLE STALLS

 

However, traditional public markets continue to decline because of:

  • Suburbanization;

  • Changes in food distribution systems;

  • Changing consumer behavior; and

  • Market forces

 

Suburbanization

Traditional public markets were generally located in the cities and were easily accessible either by walking or through public transits [8]. Public markets were visited regularly by the residents, to prepare for their daily meals. Markets declined because of suburban residential preferences of the consumers [8, 9]. The great wave of suburbanization which happened not only in the US but also in other countries in Europe like the UK [8] and France moved a great majority of residents away from the cities. It also brought in a segregation of land uses, where residential districts were separated from commercial and retail areas. People had to use cars to get anywhere [8]. People had to plan their shopping trips on weekends, because of the time it took, and the distance one had to travel. Real estate developers saw the opportunity to provide for commercial spaces where groceries and supermarkets could be set up. Meanwhile, public markets in the cities suffered from the reduced number of shoppers and purchasing activity.

 

IMAGES OF SUBDIVISIONS IN THE UNITED STATES

 

Changes in Food Distribution Systems

The growth of groceries and supermarkets in the suburban centers was also supported by the improved logistics of food and goods distribution [6]. Improved technology and transportation systems allowed for the transport of fresh produce, food, and other household items over a larger geographic scale [6, 8]. Smaller farms and producers were eased out of the efficient and large-scale food distribution systems [6, 8]. Traditional public markets were also eased out of the system, as they were not very efficient to service. They didn’t have volume, in terms of demand. The individual vendors were also much more inefficient to service.

 

LARGE SCALE SUPERMARKET IN BLACKSBURG, VA VERSUS A TRADITIONAL PUBLIC MARKET IN THE PHILIPPINES

 

Changing Consumer Behavior

Traditional public markets also declined because of changes in the lifestyle preferences of the consumer [8, 9]. The capitalist market worked overtime to introduce new concepts of convenience to the consumer. The groceries and supermarkets provided fresh produce in refrigerated shelves, increasing their storage life. They also expanded the variety of dry goods, canned goods, and prepared foods being offered. People stocked up on food for a week or two. Suburban homes came with freezers and huge pantries, to help stock the weekly and monthly purchases. With the increased amount of work hours for a dual income household [8], cooking fresh food was de-prioritized.

 

PACKAGED AND PREPARED FOOD ITEMS IN A LARGE SCALE SUPERMARKET IN THE UNITED STATES

Prepared food items

 

Market Forces

In the nineties, urban redevelopment and city revitalization brought residents and businesses back to the cities. This movement caused real estate demand and prices to shoot up. Most of the traditional public markets were by then suffering from a lack of consumer demand and vendors were struggling to survive [8, 15, 17]. These markets were located in prime city blocks, which made them vulnerable to either being demolished or redeveloped into another more profitable use. A lot of the markets were closed so that the valuable and highly prized real estate could then be sold off to private developers [6, 8, 12].

 

Because of the continued decline of traditional public markets, there is an urgent need to find new types of public market and food experience which can continue the role of public markets in encouraging social interaction [9, 11, 15, 17]. Fortunately, recent changes in the lifestyle and attitude of consumers are contributing to the possibility that we can revive our public market tradition.

 
 
“The food culture in the U.S. is pervasive among consumers of all ages and consumers crave an experience when they are looking for more than a fast-fueling experience. 60% of the consumers surveyed say shopping at food markets is one of their favorite types of food experiences while 67% of the respondents wished there were more farmers markets in their local areas. 62% of consumers surveyed said they were more impressed by visiting a farmers’ market than a supermarket.

The food market culture provides a food experience that allows consumers to feed multi-tasking lifestyles. At food markets and food halls, consumers can have a dining experience, socialize with friends and pick up some grocery items for home all in one venue. 57% of the consumers surveyed said they enjoyed going to the market because it’s just as much a social occasion as it is a shopping trip.”
 

— Culinary Visions Panel

Food Market Culture Report 2017 [4]

 

VARIETY OF HANGING OUT, DINING, AND SHOPPING EXPERIENCE IN A FOOD HALL SETTING

The Culinary Visions Panel is a private market research company which identifies insights and trends among US consumers, as it relates to food and dining attitudes, beliefs, and experience. In 2017, they identified a new trend towards appreciation of farmers and food markets among consumers of all ages [4]. They connected this trend with the desire of people for continued socialization. In addition, they also related this with other consumer lifestyle preferences such as buying fresh and local, wanting to know more about the source of one’s food, and getting to know the persons behind the production and preparation of one’s food.

These are all positive movements which can help us support, reinvest in, and find ways to re-orient our traditional public markets. This way, public markets can address the changing food and lifestyle needs of our communities while at the same time continuing their role as public spaces for social interaction.

 

Sources:

  1. Elijah Anderson, The Cosmopolitan Canopy: Race and Civility in Everyday Life (New York, New York W.W., Norton & Co., c 2011. 1st ed.).

  2. Talja Blokland and Julia Nast, 'From Public Familiarity to Comfort Zone: The Relevance of Absent Ties for Belonging in Berlin's Mixed Neighbourhoods', International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 38 (2014), 1142-59.

  3. 'Estimating the Economic Impact of Public Markets, a Report Submitted to the Project for Public Spaces, with Funding Provided by the Ford Foundation', (E-Consult Corporation, 2007).

  4. 'Food Market Culture Report', (Culinary Visions Panel 2017).

  5. Edward T. Hall, The Hidden Dimension (New York, Anchor Books, 1990).

  6. Edwin Heathcote, 'How Cities Can Harness the Power of the Market', in Financial Times (London, United Kingdom, The Financial Times Ltd., 2018).

  7. Caroline Holland, Andrew Clark, Jeanne Katz, and Sheila Peace, 'Social Interactions in Urban Public Places', (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2007).

  8. Peter Jones, David Hillier, and Daphne Comfort, 'Changing Times and Changing Places for Market Halls and Covered Markets.', International Journal of Retail & Distribution Management, Vol. 35 Issue: 3, (2007) pp.200-209.

  9. Alfonso Morales, 'Marketplaces: Prospects for Social, Economic, and Political Development', Journal of Planning Literature, 26 (2011), 3-17.

  10. ———, 'Planning and the Self-Organization of Marketplaces', Journal of Planning Education & Research, 30 (2010), 182-97.

  11. ———, 'Public Markets as Community Development Tools', Journal of Planning Education and Research, 28 (2008), 426-40.

  12. Alfonso Morales, and Steven Balkin, 'The Value of Benefits of a Public Street Market: The Case of Maxwell Street', Economic Development Quarterly, 9 (1995), 304.

  13. Ray Oldenburg, The Great Good Place (Marlowe & Company, New York, 1989).

  14. 'Public Food Markets: Build Cities, Regions, and Revitalize Communities', (Toronto Public Food Markets Working Group 2017).

  15. 'Public Markets as a Vehicle for Social Integration and Upward Mobility', in Phase I Report: An Overview of Existing Programs and Assessment of Opportunities (New York, New York, Project for Public Spaces, Inc. & Partners for Livable Communities, 2003).

  16. Patricia Simões Aelbrecht, '‘Fourth Places’: The Contemporary Public Settings for Informal Social Interaction among Strangers', Journal of Urban Design, 21 (2016), 124-52.

  17. David Studdert and Sophie Watson, Markets as Sites for Social Interaction: Spaces of Diversity, Public Spaces Series (Bristol, UK, Published for the Joseph Rowntree Foundation by Policy Press, 2006).

  18. Gwen van Eijk and Radboud Engbersen, 'Facilitating ‘Light’ Social Interactions in Public Space: A Collaborative Study in a Dutch Urban Renewal Neighbourhood', Journal of Urban Regeneration and Renewal, 5 (2011), 35-50.

 
 
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